TRUMPWACHT: Ein Land! Ein Volk! Ein Fuehrer! Why are so many pundits afraid to name the original template for Trump's 'Make America Great Again!' nonsense at its roots in Germany in 1932?...

Aside from a few comics, most notably Louis C.K., most commentators have ignored the obvious since Donald Trump proclaimed that he -- and only he -- could "Make America Great Again!" when he announced his candidacy in June 2015. The "Make America Great Again!" theme was as Nazi as its original from the 1932 German election, where Adolf Hitler proclaimed that he and the Nazi Party would make Germany great again. Even Trump's Hitler Youth lemon colored hair is done up to remind his legions of their historical roots.As the weeks dwindle to days in the Presidential Election of 2016, over and over well informed pundits from the mainstream and even "progressive" media come as close as possible to outlining the complete template for Donald Trump's electoral campaign -- and then stop short of historical accuracy and a bit of important historical memory. Most recently, a book review in the current issue of The Nation noted how much Trump is making of the notion of the American "People." But the reviewer (and I suspect his editors) refuses to tie in the origins of "People" with Trump's two other main themes: Nation and Leader. As in the 1932 original: Ein Land! Ein Volk! Ein Fuehrer! as presented to Germany by Adolf Hitler in the 1932 election there.

Add in Trump's total embrace of the so-called "Alt Right" (which is actually American fascism on the Internet), his historical anti-Semitism and racism, and his attempts at projecting his Mussolini profile to the masses every time he is on camera -- especially during the three presidential debates -- and the picture is complete. Part of using the election to help young people understand the roots of current events is to place them in their actual historical context. And while it may now be true that the so-called "Greatest Generation" has passed from the historical stage, the memories of what that generation had to defeat should not be reduced to a few historical cliches and a great deal of historical amnesia.

It's sad that more children aren't better versed in the history that Donald Trump is trying to revive. Many ironies are worth noting, but one strikes me this week: Trump's defense of his "brand" is reminiscent of Hitler's. Many people no longer know that Hitler made a great deal of money off the royalties from Mein Kampf. In fact, when an unexpurgated version was published in the United States by Alan Cranston before World War II, Hitler sued for copyright infringement and won. Cranston, who had been a reporter in Germany and read Mein Kampf in the original, was shocked to read the New York edition -- which had cut out all the vicious anti-Semitic rants. The New York English language edition was being pushed to prove to Americans that Hitler wasn't the monster portrayed by the media. Cranston put out an edition of the unexpurgated Mein Kampf and was sued by Hitler -- who won.

Americans were deprived of the ability to read, from the mouth of Der Fuehrer, the original rantings. Adolf Hitler knew how to defend his brand, just as Donald Trump does. The Hitler brand was worthless by 1945, but not because it hadn't once been as valuable, to its owner, as the Trump brand is in 2016.


Sarah Posner and David Neiwert

How Donald Trump Took Hate Groups Mainstream

October 23, 2016 6:00 am / 51 Comments / Campaign 2016, Featured Post, Politics

How Donald Trump Took Hate Groups Mainstream

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Reprinted with permission from Mother Jones.

The first warning sign that something new was brewing came in June 2015, as Donald Trump joined the crowded field vying for the Republican presidential nomination. In the extravagant lobby of Trump Tower in New York City, he announced he would build a wall to keep out Mexican criminals and “rapists.”

“I urge all readers of this site to do whatever they can to make Donald Trump President,” wrote Andrew Anglin, publisher of the neo-Nazi site Daily Stormer, 12 days later. Anglin, a 32-year-old skinhead who wears an Aryan “Black Sun” tattoo on his chest and riffs about the inferior “biological nature” of black people, hailed Trump as “the only candidate who is even talking about anything at all that matters.”

This neo-Nazi seal of approval initially seemed like an aberration. But two months later, when Trump released his immigration policy, far-right extremists saw a clear signal that Trump understood their core anger and fear about America being taken over by minorities and foreigners. Trump’s plan to deport masses of undocumented immigrants and end birthright citizenship was radical and thrilling—”a revolution,” in the words of influential white nationalist author Kevin MacDonald, “to restore a White America.”

Trump’s move was a “game changer,” said MacDonald, a 70-year-old silver-haired former academic who edits the Occidental Observer, which the Anti-Defamation League calls “online anti-Semitism’s new voice.” Trump, he wrote, “is saying what White Americans have been actually thinking for a very long time.”

“Stunning,” raved Peter Brimelow, editor of the anti-immigrant site “The thing that delighted us the most,” he wrote, was Trump’s plan to close “the ‘Anchor Baby’ loophole,” denying citizenship to the American-born children of immigrants—a policy that Brimelow said he had been advocating for more than a decade.

Trump “may be the last hope for a president who would be good for white people,” remarked Jared Taylor, who runs a white nationalist website called American Renaissance and once founded a think tank dedicated to “scientifically” proving white superiority. Taylor told us that Trump was the first presidential candidate from a major party ever to earn his support because Trump “is talking about policies that would slow the dispossession of whites. That is something that is very important to me and to all racially conscious white people.”

Trump fever quickly spread: Other extremists new to presidential politics openly endorsed Trump, including Don Black, a former grand dragon of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan and founder of the neo-Nazi site Stormfront; Rocky Suhayda, chair of the American Nazi Party; and Rachel Pendergraft, a national organizer for the Knights Party, the successor to David Duke’s Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. Richard Spencer, an emerging leader among a new generation of white nationalists known as the “alt right,” declared that Trump “loves white people.”

But Trump did not become the object of white nationalist affection simply because his positions reflect their core concerns. Extremists made him their chosen candidate and now hail him as “Emperor Trump” because he has amplified their message on social media—and, perhaps most importantly, has gone to great lengths to avoid distancing himself from the racist right. With the exception of Duke, Trump has not disavowed a single endorsement from the dozens of neo-Nazis, Klansmen, white nationalists, and militia supporters who have backed him. The GOP nominee, along with his family members, staffers, and surrogates, has instead provided an unprecedented platform for the ideas and rhetoric of far-right extremists, extending their reach. And when challenged on it by the press, Trump has stalled, feigned ignorance, or deflected—but has never specifically rejected any of these other extremists or their ideas.

This stance has thrilled and emboldened hate groups far more than has been generally understood during the 2016 race for the White House. Moreover, Trump’s tacit welcoming of these hate groups into mainstream American politics will have long-lasting consequences, according to these groups’ own leaders, regardless of the election outcome.

“The success of the Trump campaign just proves that our views resonate with millions,” Pendergraft told us. “They may not be ready for the Ku Klux Klan yet, but as anti-white hatred escalates, they will.”

A three-month investigation by Mother Jones and the Investigative Fund—including interviews with white nationalist leaders and an analysis of social-media networks, nearly 100 hours of fringe talk radio, and dozens of posts on influential hate sites—reveals that what has largely been portrayed by the media as Trump “gaffes” has instead been understood by far-right extremists as a warm embrace by Trump. Extremists’ zeal for Trump only grew with his decision in August to hire a new campaign chief, Stephen Bannon, the former publisher of Breitbart News and a big booster himself of far-right rhetoric. Trump’s enduring campaign tactics—from calls for black protesters to be “roughed up” to the circulation of racist, anti-Muslim, and anti-Semitic language and memes—is proof for them that white nationalism has not only arrived, but has found a champion in a major-party nominee for president of the United States.

The Trump campaign did not respond to multiple detailed requests for comment regarding this story.

In early October, when bombshell archival video revealed Trump bragging about sexual assault and plunged his campaign and the GOP into chaos, that only further energized his extremist supporters. “Girls really don’t mind guys that like pussies,” influential alt-right video blogger RamZPaul said. “They just hate guys who are pussies.”

Others celebrated Trump’s angry, defiant debate performance on the heels of the video revelation. Spencer declared victory for Trump “because, basically, Trump fought back. He didn’t abandon these issues that really define him and define our connection to him.”

“The people believe Trump won the debate,” Anglin posted. “It’s really just an objective fact. Not sure how even liberal kikes could claim otherwise.”

To understand how Trump’s unspoken alliance with the far right has really worked, take one instance that caused a fleeting uproar last November, when Trump retweeted a graphic falsely claiming that black people were responsible for 81 percent of white homicides. Its source was a white supremacist Twitter feed whose logo is a modified swastika. Politifact and others quickly documented how “wildly inaccurate” the racist graphic was.

After a quick round of fact-checking and rebuke, however, the media moved on. But white nationalist news sites and radio programs were transfixed. “Now, you’ve touched the third rail of American politics by starting a real dialogue on race,” Paul Kersey, of the racist blog Stuff That Black People Don’t Like, wrote on VDare.

Trump had done the politically unthinkable—and then he doubled down, declining to delete the tweet (which remains live as of this publication) and asking rhetorically on Fox News, “Am I gonna check every statistic?” Even when Bill O’Reilly urged him, “Don’t put your name on stuff like this,” Trump didn’t back down, saying, “It came from sources that are very credible, what can I tell you.”

“I don’t know how much more explicit you can get,” said James Edwards, host of The Political Cesspool, a radio program that the Southern Poverty Law Center calls racist and anti-Semitic. “I mean, what other candidate would do that?…We certainly can take a lot of pride in, and what we can certainly invest a lot of hope in, [is] the fact that Donald Trump is saying a lot of these things very similar to the way we present them on the radio, and he is leading the field big-time. That is something that you can absolutely take to the bank.”

Trump’s big social-media boost for the phony black-crime stats was further proof that Trump had “laid out the red carpet for all those who want to move beyond the last 20 years of internet isolation and anonymity,” as Brad Griffin, who blogs on Occidental Dissent, wrote after Trump announced his immigration plan. “All those people, long laughed at and excluded from the ‘mainstream,’ who were cast out beyond the wall of ‘respectability,’ are now in the tank for Donald Trump.”

At various turns in the campaign, Trump has faced questions from the media about his seeming dalliance with the far right, from his selection of a white nationalist party leader as a Republican National Convention delegate, to his retweet of the handle @whitegenocideTM (which was later suspended by Twitter).

After the press discovered in January that white nationalists were running robocalls on Trump’s behalf, Richard Spencer worried openly on his blog that Trump might be forced “to distance himself from the American Freedom Party and American Renaissance, which wouldn’t be good.”


October 30, 2016 at 11:30 AM

By: Theresa D. Daniels

Nazi press supports Trump

If readers scroll down past the social media taglines at what looks like the end of the article, they will find a compendium of how Trump's racist and anti-Semitic positions match exactly those of various famous and published neo-Nazis and how much they support Trump. Thanks for this, George and Substance.

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